Day of Infamy — April 6, 1994

Is history about to repeat itself, but this time in South Africa with the whites being today’s target? If Julius Malema and his “kill whites” policy adherents have their way, the answer is likely to be “yes.”


By Morgan Norval l April 11, 2018

Winnie Mandela stands with Julius Malema leader of the Economic Freedom Fighters (photo: Siphiwe Sibeko/Reuters)

April 6, 1994 was notable for two separate events in Sub-Saharan Africa.

The first of these events was the “One Man, One Vote” election of the first post-apartheid government in South Africa. That election brought the Marxist Nelson Mandela and the South African Communist Party (SACP) dominated African National Congress (ANC) to power. From a political party view, that “One Man, One Vote” election could also add “One Time” to the phrase, as the ANC is still in power in South Africa.

Nearly a quarter of a century later, the ANC has taken a more racial stance.

The ANC-controlled Parliament recently passed a law allowing for the confiscation, without compensation, of white owned farms. These farms, incidentally, feed the whole South African people. This is so because the vast majority of black farmers carry out subsistence farming on small plots of land under the control of tribal chiefs, who can transfer their plots at any time to whomever they please. Thus, the poor farmer has no property rights. As a result, such farmers can’t obtain bank loans to improve their plots because they lack land title depriving them of the necessary collateral.

In conjunction with the white farm confiscation theme, a violent offshoot of the ANC led by former ANC Youth Wing leader, Julius Malema, advocates the killing of whites in South Africa. In South Africa today, a white farmer is murdered on the average every five days. Malema wants to vastly accelerate that pace.

The ANC can look north to Zimbabwe as an example where a similar confiscation policy devastated a country that was then the breadbasket of Sub-Saharan Africa. Under Robert Mugabe’s dictatorial reign, Zimbabwe could no longer feed its own population and had to import food. The ANC must think it won’t happen to them, or they don’t care if it does as long as they can hold onto political power.

It is interesting to note that Nelson Mandela’s former wife, Winnie, died just a couple of days before the sixth of April anniversary. Winnie was a cold-hearted-murderous women who back in the days of apartheid and the so-called liberation struggle had people with whom she disagreed murdered and tortured. Her favorite method of execution was the infamous “necklace” that consisted of a tire filled with gasoline draped over the head of a bound victim who was set on fire, burning the victim to death in a horrid, painful manner. Speaking in Munsieville on the West Rand in 1986, Winnie declared: “With our matchboxes and our necklaces, we will liberate our country.” South Africa will give Winnie Mandela a state funeral. That speaks volumes about the current public attitude in the country and must warm the heart of Malema and other black South African racists.

April 6, 1994 is equally infamous in sub-Saharan Africa marking the launch of the massacre of Tutsi tribesmen in Rwanda.

In a little over three months more people were slaughtered in Rwanda with machetes and clubs than have been killed by atomic bombs in all history. Over a million perished in that wanton rampage of violence. The relative calm in effect in Rwanda today is misleading as both Tutsis, from a point of revenge, and the Hutus, from a point of finishing off the job of eliminating the Tutsis, are awaiting a proper time to resume hostilities. Tribalism is very strong in Sub-Saharan Africa invoking more loyalty than that to an artificial political entity—the nation state—imposed years ago from outside by a colonial power.

The Movement Revolutionaire National pour le Development (MRND) government in Rwanda meticulously had planned and organized their soon to be launched Tutsi genocide by utilizing the French trained and equipped Presidential Guard, the army, gendarmes, and the government administrators. These power centers were well coordinated and used to carry out the mass murder of the Tutsis.

The MRND isolated the Tutsis by clamping down on news by means of a communications blackout. They also shut off telephone communications in the country, established a dense network of road blocks and imposed a nationwide curfew, which kept people isolated in their homes.

Most of the international media was preoccupied in South Africa covering the election of Nelson Mandela, so news coming from Rwanda was sparse at best. This enabled the MRND to launch their genocidal campaign, while, at the same time, kicking off a propaganda blitz blaming their violence on a “spontaneous outbreak of tribal violence” and/or spontaneous outrage resulting from the recent assassination of the Rwandan president whose plane was shot down by a shoulder-held anti-aircraft missile. The MRND were able to feed their propaganda ideas to a gullible media.

Some Christian missionary groups on the ground saw through the Rwandan government’s smokescreen. One of these, Frontline Fellowship, provided real information on the tragedy that occurred in the country.

It is worth quoting at length from a recent report, The Holocaust in Rwanda—24 Years later:

“. . . Initially, international attention generally focused on the plight of foreigners. Camera crews were, understandably, only prepared to travel with international troops . . . whose mission was to evacuate foreigners. This naturally led to a slanted and incomplete picture being portrayed to the world. . . . It also encouraged the withdrawal of UNAMIR [United Nations Assistance Mission in Rwanda].
“This strategy of disinformation and terror was spectacularly successful. To this day most people worldwide do not understand what happened in Rwanda, or why it happened . . .”

The Frontline Fellowship report also condemned the action of liberal-leaning church leaders who were often involved in the genocide.

“. . . The mass murderers successfully manipulated and abused the media to vilify the targeted Tutsis, and to mobilize masses of Hutus to kill their neighbors. . .

“The killers did not merely kill people in churches, they killed church workers—pastors, ministers, priests and nuns. However, the most shocking aspect of the anti-Christian mass murders was how many people responsible for the slaughter were trusted members of the congregations. On many occasions even priests, nun and ministers were directly involved in the genocide! Several heads of denominations co-operated with the Interahamwe [name given to the organized murderous Hutus mobs—ed.], by betraying their congregation and co-workers into the hands of mass murderers.”

Is history about to repeat itself, but this time in South Africa with the whites being today’s target? If Julius Malema and his “kill whites” policy adherents have their way, the answer is likely to be “yes.”


Morgan Norval is the founder and Executive Director of the Selous Foundation for Public Policy Research and a contributor to SFPPR News & Analysis.

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